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10 November 1941

10 November 1941

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10 November 1941

War in the Air

Churchill announces that the RAF now has parity with the Luftwaffe


Britain decides to declare war on Japan if the United States is attacked

Far East

Plans are put in place to dispatch a powerful fleet to the Far East if war with Japan appears to be close

With the Labor Unions – On the Picket Line

From Labor Action, Vol. 5 No. 45, 10 November 1941, p.ق.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).

Roosevelt Knows the Miners Are Tough

Myron Taylor, John L. Lewis and the President have come to some sort of temporary agreement about the strike in the “captive” mines. The question has been referred to the National Defense Mediation Board. Lewis announced that the calling off of the strike is only a truce and that it will be resumed November 15 if the Mediation Board does not render a decision favorable to the UMWA. This means a decision favoring the “union” shop.

No one can tell what the Mediation Board will do. They may feel that they burned their fingers in the Kearny shipyard case, where they decided in favor, of the “union” shop and render a decision against the union. Should the board do this there will be no other way for the UMWA but to renew the strike. It is to be expected that the board and Roosevelt will try by all means to come to some sort of compromise that will be acceptable to the miners, at least for a period.

It is interesting to behold Roosevelt proceeding more cautiously in this strike than, in the case of the North American strike. Then he was pretty cocky and rushed in the army with drawn bayonets. He didn’t feel the need .for any congressional legislation to deal with strikes in the “defense” industries. He could take care of these situations alone as commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy.

The miners, however, are a different matter. They are not a bunch of kids just out of high school. They are scarred veterans of a thousand battles. They are not scared by a couple of companies of soldiers or marines. The young workers at North American did a good job they held out but they did not have the forces or the experience to continue the strike in the face of the bayonet assault by Roosevelt’s troops. Hence the strike was broken. The miners are something else and Roosevelt will hesitate a long time before he orders the Army in.

The setting of a deadline for the truce is correct procedure. The miners know what is involved in this struggle between 53,000 miners in the “captive” mines and the great steel companies. What is really involved is the matter of the “union” shop for the steel workers. U.S. Steel is the spearhead of a drive to break the unions by making it difficult for them to keep scabs and unthinking workers from getting jobs and refusing to become members of the union. If the steel and other corporations can get away with this it would be possible for them to pack the plants with stooges who of course would refuse to join the union. Under such a set-up the whole idea of industrial unionism would be destroyed. Also it would be possible for the AFL to creep into plants and industries where they have nothing now and where nothing of consequence is in sight for them. Think of the AFL getting an opportunity to enter the steel industry with its craft union layout. Bill Green’s outfit would divide the steel workers into about 21 separate crafts. Furthermore, the AFL would not attempt to organize all the workers.

Therefore it is imperative that the steel union (SWOC) obtain the “maintenance of membership” clause in its new contract with the steel companies. This is not a “closed shop” demand, as the capitalist press tries to make it appear. All that is demanded in a “union shop” agreement is that every worker be required to join the union after a certain period of employment in the plant.

Murray will be on the spot when the “Mediation” Board takes up this case. We can assume that he will vote for the “union shop.” There will be tremendous pressure on him however to remember the “national emergency,” and to come to the aid of “your country.” As we have said many times before: All the CIO leaders should resign from all government boards handling boss-worker relations. We confine our demand to the CIO, not because it is not correct for the AFL, but because we know that there is no possibility of the AFL leaders resigning from these boards.

“Orphan” Aluminum and Capitalist Skullduggery

After going through the nation gathering up all the old aluminum pots and pans to be used for the manufacture of bombers, we are now informed that this junk aluminum is useless for this purpose, due to the impurities it contains. This wouldn’t be so bad if it could be used for the manufacture of new cooking utensils. This can not be done, however, on account of aluminum priorities. There isn’t enough aluminum for airplanes and this demand has first call on all aluminum.

This scrap aluminum that was gathered in with such high and ostentatious “patriotic” fervor is now piled up all over the country and has been given the name of “orphan” aluminum. The New York Times business section reports that “unless this low grade ‘orphan’ aluminum is used in the near future, either by changing specifications or diverting it to civilian uses, it may be wasted for all time, for once the war is over there is sure to be a surplus, of high grade ‘virgin’ aluminum for civilian use.”

Thus we see one more example of capitalist skullduggery and “patriotic” hokum. These great “captains of industry,” these “industrial statesmen,” and government “economic experts” go through the country piling up thousands of tons of scrap aluminum that can’t be used. The government got into this jam because the “experts” couldn’t foresee how much aluminum is needed. They discover they are millions of pounds short and appeal to Mellon’s Aluminum Corp. to get out more. The Mellons don’t need any more aluminum production and sales because these would interfere with their aluminum monopoly prices. Then the government decides to give them a few million dollars to build new plants but the Mellons decide to take their own sweet time, and no plants are built.

There are the people who insult the workers by telling them that labor could never run the government and industry. The piles of “orphan” aluminum around the country are one more reminder that the present ruling class isn’t even competent to manage its own imperialist war.

Strikes Are as Necessary in War as in Peace

In his Navy Day speech, President Roosevelt told the country that the output of the war factories must not be hampered by “a small but dangerous minority of industrial managers” or by “a small but dangerous minority of labor leaders.” Roosevelt, was trying to serve notice on both these alleged small but dangerous minorities that he will crack down if they don’t behave themselves.

Some workers are inclined to fall for this kind of tripe. We will not enter into any fancied or real quarrel that Roosevelt may have with his buddies of the ruling class. He is their man and they are his men. All of them eat from the same trough. They can fuss with each other and be damned. If Roosevelt is having some difficulty getting his class of bosses solidified around their own imperialist war that is their business. Workers should take advantage of this temporary opportunity and try to get something for themselves.

Workers should never swallow Roosevelt’s hooey about equal responsibility of labor leaders and industrial leaders. Roosevelt has a right to get mad at the bosses who really sabotage the imperialist war that he is organizing for the benefit of the boss class. But this is not the workers war, and there can be no question of labor leaders holding up and hampering anything that is of any benefit to labor. When workers strike in the war factories they do no harm to labor but to the boss class, and it is the business of labor to do harm to the boss class. When the working class does something for itself it always does something against the boss and the bosses’ government.

Of course, strikes in the war industries hamper production. All strikes hamper production. If they didn’t hamper production they would be futile and useless. Workers win strikes because production is stopped., which means that the bosses’ profits, are put in jeopardy. The boss finally decides that it is better to give a small increase in pay than to have all profits stop. Also the boss is afraid that if he does not make a few concessions the workers will get mad, take over the industries and run them themselves.

There is no difference between striking in a war industry and in any other industry. The strike is just as necessary in war time as in peace time. The boss doesn’t give up his profits, interests and dividends in war time. He only demands that the workers give up their wages so that his profits, interests and dividends will be bigger. This is what is known as everyone sacrificing for the “national effort.”


Her keel was laid down on 27 October 1936, by the Mare Island Navy Yard. She was launched on 15 March 1938, sponsored by Mrs. Alice N. Freeman, wife of Charles S. Freeman, Commander, Submarine Force, United States Fleet at the time. The boat was commissioned on 25 June 1938, with Lieutenant Commander A. D. Barnes in command.

Sturgeon completed builder's trials in Monterey Bay and began her shakedown cruise on 15 October, visiting ports in Mexico, Honduras, Panama, Peru, Ecuador, and Costa Rica before returning to San Diego, on 12 December 1938. She was assigned to Submarine Squadron (SubRon) 6 and operated along the West Coast as far north as Washington. She made two squadron cruises to Hawaii with the Pacific Fleet: from 1 July to 16 August 1939 and from 1 April to 12 July 1940. The submarine departed San Diego on 5 November 1940 for Pearl Harbor and operated from there until November 1941.

Sturgeon stood out of Pearl Harbor on 10 November, headed for the Philippine Islands, and arrived at Manila Bay on 22 November. She was then attached to SubRon 2, Submarine Division (SubDiv) 22, United States Asiatic Fleet.

Sturgeon was moored in Mariveles Naval Section Base on 7 December 1941 during the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. She put to sea the next afternoon to patrol an area between the Pescadores Islands and Formosa. A small tanker was sighted the afternoon of 9 December, but it remained out of torpedo range.

The submarine found a convoy of five merchantmen accompanied by a cruiser and several destroyers on 18 December. As she came to periscope depth within attack range of the cruiser, she was sighted by one of the escorts approximately 250 yards (230 m) away. She started going deep but had only reached a depth of 65 feet (20 m) when the first depth charge exploded, breaking numerous light bulbs but causing no serious damage. Sturgeon began silent running and evaded the escorts.

On the evening of 21 December, she sighted a darkened ship believed to be a large cargo carrier. A torpedo spread was fired from the stern tubes, but they all passed ahead of the ship due to an error in her estimated speed. The ship ended her first war patrol when she returned to Mariveles Bay on 25 December.

Sturgeon was at sea again on 28 December 1941 en route to the Tarakan area, off the coast of Borneo. A tanker was sighted southwest of Subutu Island on 17 January 1942, but all three torpedoes missed and the ship escaped. On the night of 22 January, Sturgeon was alerted by Pickerel (SS-177) that a large convoy was headed her way in Makassar Strait. A few minutes later, her sonar picked up the pings of ships dead astern. She submerged and fired four torpedoes at a large ship, with two explosions following. The submarine was then subjected to a two and one-half-hour depth charge attack by two destroyers which caused no damage.

She next sighted an enemy transport and four destroyers off Balikpapan on 26 January. Sturgeon fired a spread from her forward tubes which resulted in a large explosion on the transport, and her screws stopped turning. No post-war record of a sinking could be found, but the transport was believed damaged. Three days later, she made two hits on a tanker.

On the morning of 8 February, Sturgeon found herself on the track of an enemy invasion fleet headed toward Makassar City. She submerged to avoid detection by several destroyers and a cruiser, as they passed overhead, but was able to report the movement of the convoy to Commander, Submarines Asiatic Fleet. The submarine retired from her patrol area two days later, when she was ordered to Java, Netherlands East Indies. She arrived at Soerabaja on 13 February but, as the Japanese were advancing upon that base, the ship proceeded to Tjilatjap. After embarking part of the Asiatic Fleet Submarine Force Staff, Sturgeon and Stingray (SS-186) sailed for Fremantle, Western Australia, on 20 February, as escorts for Holland (AS-3) and Black Hawk (AD-9) .

Sturgeon remained there, from 3 to 15 March, when she departed to again patrol off Makassar City. On 30 March, she sank the cargo ship Choko Maru. On 3 April, one of her torpedoes caught a 750-ton frigate directly under the bridge, and she was officially listed as probably sunk. She then fired three torpedoes at a merchantman but missed. With one torpedo remaining in the bow tubes, she fired and hit the target abreast the foremast. When last seen, it was listing heavily to port and making for the Celebes shore.

On 6 April, she fired a spread at a tanker but the range was so close that they failed to arm. The submarine was then depth charged by escorts but eluded them and patrolled off Cape Mandar in the Makassar Strait. On 22 April, a destroyer's searchlight blinked to Sturgeon, and she went deep to avoid the subsequent two-hour depth charge attack. On 28 April, the submarine sailed for Australia. However, she interrupted her voyage on the night of 30 April in an attempt to rescue some Royal Air Force And Royal Australian Air Force personnel reported on an island at the entrance of Cilacap Harbor. A landing party under Lieutenant Chester W. Nimitz, Jr. entered the cove and examined it by searchlight but found only a deserted lean-to. She continued to Fremantle and arrived there on 7 May.

Sturgeon refitted and returned to sea, on 5 June, to patrol an area west of Manila. On 25 June, she caught up with a nine-ship convoy before daylight, and fired three torpedoes at the largest ship and heard explosions. After some 21 depth charges were dropped by the escorts, she managed to escape with only a few gauges broken. On 1 July, Sturgeon, captained by LT CMDR Wright, sank the 7,267-ton prisoner transport Montevideo Maru off the coast of Luzon. On 5 July, she scored hits on a tanker in a convoy northbound from Manila. Her patrol ended on 22 July when she arrived at Fremantle for refit.

It was later discovered that Montevideo Maru had been carrying over a thousand Australian POWs and civilian internees from Rabaul New Guinea. 1140 (including 88 Japanese crew) were killed while 18 survived. Some of the Japanese including the ship's captain made it to the Philippines but most, including the captain, were killed by local guerrillas. This loss of Australian lives is the worst maritime disaster in Australian history. Only one eyewitness account has ever emerged. After 60 years the sole surviving Japanese sailor described the "death cries" of trapped Australians going down with the ship while others sung Auld Lang Syne.

Sturgeon stood out of port, on 4 September, to begin her fifth war patrol in an area between Mono Island and the Shortland Islands in the Solomon Islands group. On 11 September, she began patrolling west of Bougainville to intercept enemy shipping between Rabaul, Buka, and Faisi. The submarine fired four torpedoes at a large cargo ship, on 14 September, but missed with all.

Three days later, she fired a spread at a tanker with two apparent hits. At 0536 hours on 1 October, Sturgeon sighted the 8,033-ton aircraft ferry Katsuragi Maru. A spread of four torpedoes was fired and resulted in three hits which sent the ship to the bottom. An escort depth charged the submarine for a while and then broke off to rescue survivors. Sturgeon moved south of Tetipari Island and patrolled there until she returned to Brisbane on 25 October for repairs and refit.

Sturgeon returned to sea and began patrolling in the Truk area on 30 November. She fired four torpedoes at a maru on 6 December and observed one hit. She missed hitting targets on 9 and 18 December. The ship withdrew from the area on 25 December 1942 and arrived at Pearl Harbor on 4 January 1943. She was in the yard from 14 January to 11 May for an overhaul.

Sturgeon's seventh war patrol began on 12 June and ended at Midway Island on 2 August. She sighted seven worthwhile targets but was able to attack only one. That occurred on 1 July when she fired a spread at a freighter and heard two hits, causing possible damage. The next patrol, from 29 August to 23 October, was equally unrewarding, and she returned to Pearl Harbor.

On 13 December 1943, Sturgeon sailed for Japanese home waters. She sighted a seven-ship convoy with four escorts on 11 January 1944. Finding an overlapping target, she fired four torpedoes, and the cargo ship Erie Maru went to the bottom. The submarine was forced to go deep to avoid a depth charge attack and was unable to regain contact with the convoy. Five days later, she attacked a freighter Akagi Maru and a destroyer Suzutsuki in Bungo Channel. Suzutsuki was hit by two torpedoes which blew off the bow and stern. [5] Sturgeon was pinned down all afternoon by Hatsuzuki's counterattacks and cleared the area at 1855. Two attacks were made on a four-ship convoy on 24 January. One hit was registered on a maru from the first attack while the spread fired at the other merchantman sent the Chosen Maru to the bottom. Two days later, she made a fruitless attack on two freighters, and the submarine returned to Pearl Harbor, via Midway, for refit.

Sturgeon's next assignment was in the Bonin Islands area from 8 April until 26 May and included plane guard duty near Marcus Island during aircraft carrier strikes there. On 10 May, she attacked a convoy of five merchant ships and two escorts. She made two hits on a small freighter before the escorts and an enemy plane forced the submarine to go deep. Sturgeon finally came to periscope depth and trailed the convoy until the next morning when she made an end-around run and fired four torpedoes at a freighter. Three hits put Seiru Maru under in two minutes. The submarine swung around and fired her bow tubes at another ship. Two hits were recorded and, when last seen, the target was dead in the water, smoking heavily. The submarine began plane guard duty on 20 May and rescued three airmen before heading for Midway two days later.

Sturgeon sailed for the Nansei Shoto on 10 June to begin her last war patrol. Only two worthy contacts were made, and they were heavily escorted. The first was an eight-ship convoy which she attacked on 29 June. Four torpedoes were fired at a large ship. Four hits on the 7,089-ton passenger-cargo troopship Toyama Maru sent her up in flames and to the bottom. This sinking had a sizeable influence on the battle for Okinawa, as the ship was carrying 5,600 troops of the 44th Independent Mixed Brigade that were on their way to the Island. [6] On 3 July, Sturgeon sighted a nine-ship convoy accompanied by air cover and numerous small escorts. She registered three hits on the cargo ship Tairin Maru that blew her bow off and holed her side. She rolled to starboard and sank. The submarine went deep and avoided the 196 depth charges and aerial bombs that were rained down upon her. She evaded the escorts and returned to Pearl Harbor on 5 August.

Sturgeon was routed to California for an overhaul and arrived at San Francisco, on 15 August. On 31 December 1944, the ship shifted to San Diego and sailed on 5 January 1945 for the East Coast. She arrived at New London on 26 January, and was assigned to SubRon 1. Sturgeon operated in Block Island Sound as a training ship until 25 October. She entered the Boston Navy Yard on 30 October and was decommissioned on 15 November 1945. Sturgeon was struck from the Naval Vessel Register on 30 April 1948 and sold to Interstate Metals Corporation, of New York City, on 12 June for scrap.

Today in World War II History—Nov. 10, 1941

75 Years Ago—Nov. 10, 1941: US Army updates uniform regulations: the Parsons field jacket and M1 steel helmet are added.

First US-escorted troop convoy, WS-12X, sails from Halifax, Nova Scotia, for India via Cape Town with 20,000 British troops.

SB2U Vindicator scout bomber flying anti-submarine patrol over Convoy WS-12X en route for Cape Town, South Africa, 27 Nov 1941 note cruisers USS Vincennes and USS Quincy (US National Archives)


1 Thomas A. Johnson, “A Man of Many Roles,” 5 April 1972, New York Times: 1. “Keep the faith, baby” was one of Powell’s more memorable responses to questions regarding the move by the House to exclude him from Congress. He later used the phrase as the title for a book of his sermons.

2 Peter Wallenstein, “Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.,” American National Biography 17 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999): 771–773 (hereinafter referred to as ANB).

3 Charles V. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: The Political Biography of an American Dilemma (New York: Atheneum, 1991): 47–50.

4 Simon Glickman, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” Contemporary Black Biography 3 (Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1992) (hereinafter referred to as CBB).

5 Wallenstein, “Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.,” ANB Shirley Washington, Outstanding African Americans of Congress (Washington, DC: U.S. Capitol Historical Society, 1998): 71 Ilene Jones–Cornwell, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” in Jessie Carney Smith, ed., Notable Black American Men (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1999): 954–957 (hereinafter referred to as NBAM).

6 Johnson, “A Man of Many Roles” Wallenstein, “Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.,” ANB Bruce A. Ragsdale and Joel D. Treese, Black Americans in Congress, 1870–1989 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1990): 196.

7 Richard L. Lyons, “Adam Clayton Powell, Apostle for Blacks,” 6 April 1972, Washington Post: B5.

8 Washington, Outstanding African Americans in Congress: 68 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr: 144.

9 “Powell Declares ‘Negro First’ Aim,” 9 April 1944, New York Times: 25 “Powell Revises Pledge,” 30 April 1944, New York Times: 40.

10 “Election Statistics, 1920 to Present,” available at Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 149–156 Glickman, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” CBB Johnson, “A Man of Many Roles.”

11 Jones–Cornwell, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” NBAM: 956 Wil Haygood, King of the Cats: The Life and Times of Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (New York: Amistad, 2006): 113.

12 Haygood, King of the Cats: 115.

13 Washington, Outstanding African Americans of Congress: 70.

14 Wallenstein, “Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.,” ANB.

15 William J. Brady, “Bailey Punches Powell in Row Over Segregation,” 21 July 1955, Washington Post: 1 John D. Morris, “Powell Is Punched by House Colleague,” 21 July 1955, New York Times: 1 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 235.

16 Wallenstein, “Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.,” ANB.

17 Congressional Record, House, 78th Cong., 1st sess. (1 July 1943): A3371.

18 Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., Adam by Adam: The Autobiography of Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (New York: Dial Press, 1971): 73 Washington, Outstanding African Americans of Congress: 69–70 Alfred Friendly, “Jefferson and Rankin,” 14 April 1947, Washington Post: 7.

19 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 178.

20 Congressional Record, House, 79th Cong., 1st sess. (13 February 1945): 1045 Wil Haygood, “Power and Love When Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Met Hazel Scott, Sparks Flew,” 17 January 1993, Washington Post Magazine: W14.

21 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 186–187.

22 Ibid., 165 “Powell Demand for D.A.R. Snub Draws Refusal,” 13 October 1945, Los Angeles Times: 2 Glickman, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” CBB.

23 “Congress Debates D.A.R. Hall Row,” 17 October 1945, New York Times: 19 “Rankin Calls DAR Attacks ‘Communist,’” 18 October 1945, Washington Post: 4 Haygood, “Power and Love.”

24 For more on Powell and the Bandung Conference, see Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996): 248–253. For the “bad” quote in a telephone conversation between Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and a CIA official, see U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955–1957, Volume 21: Asian Security, Cambodia, and Laos (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1989): 77.

25 Washington, Outstanding African Americans of Congress: 71 Haygood, King of the Cats: 200–204.

26 Throughout his career, Powell made many of these speeches. For an example see, Congressional Record, House, 91st Cong., 1st sess. (29 July 1969): 21212.

27 Glickman, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” CBB.

28 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 276–279.

29 “Powell Gives Innocent Plea in Tax Case,” 17 May 1958, Washington Post: A2 “Tax–Charge Deadlock Dismisses Powell Jury,” 23 April 1960, Washington Post: A3.

30 For more on Powell’s rift with Tammany Hall, see Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 299–312. “Powell Gives Innocent Plea in Tax Case” Leo Egan, “Powell, Lindsay Win in Primaries by Wide Margins,” 13 August 1958, New York Times: 1 “Powell Victory Is an Old Story,” 13 August 1958, New York Times: 18.

31 Johnson, “A Man of Many Roles.”

32 Wallenstein, “Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.,” ANB.

33 Richard F. Fenno, Jr., Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1973): 128.

34 “‘Think Big, Black,’ Powell Urges,” 29 March 1965, Washington Post: D3. For more on Powell’s relationship with President Johnson, see Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 369–374.

35 Fenno, Congressmen in Committees: 130–131.

36 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 434–437 John J. Goldman, “Adam Clayton Powell, 63, Dies Politician, Preacher and Playboy,” 5 April 1972, Los Angeles Times: A1.

37 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 485.

38 Johnson, “A Man of Many Roles.”

39 Glickman, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” CBB.

40 David Shipler, “Powell, in Race, Has Faith in Himself,” 16 June 1970, New York Times: 50 Thomas Ronan, “Rangel, Calling Powell a Failure, Says He Will Seek Congressional Post,” 21 February 1970, New York Times: 24.

41 Michael J. Dubin et al., United States Congressional Elections, 1788–1997 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland Publishing Company, Inc., 1998): 672 Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 473–478.

42 “Powell Defeat Confirmed by Recount,” 28 June 1970, New York Times: 29 “Powell Loser in Recount of Primary Vote,” 28 June 1970, Chicago Tribune: A3.

43 Jones–Cornwell, “Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,” NBAM Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: 478.

The Bonham Herald (Bonham, Tex.), Vol. 25, No. 27, Ed. 1 Monday, November 10, 1941

Semi-weekly newspaper from Bonham, Texas that includes local, state, and national news along with advertising.

Physical Description

four pages : ill. page 23 x 16 in. Scanned from physical pages.

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This newspaper is part of the collection entitled: Fannin County Area Newspaper Collection and was provided by the Bonham Public Library to The Portal to Texas History, a digital repository hosted by the UNT Libraries. More information about this issue can be viewed below.

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Our History

Freedom House is the oldest American organization devoted to the support and defense of democracy around the world. It was formally established in New York in 1941 to promote American involvement in World War II and the fight against fascism.

From the beginning, Freedom House was notable for its bipartisan support. Freedom House's founders we re prominent and influential leaders from the fields of business and labor, journalism, academia, and government. A central figure among its early leaders was First Lady E leanor Roosevelt. Wendell Willkie, the Republican pr e s idential nominee who ran against President Roosev e lt in 1 94 0 , was also an ardent supporter and served as honorary co - chair along with Mrs. Roosevelt.

Initially, the mission of Freedom House was to counter isolationism, a powerful force promoted by the America First Committee. At the time, ninety percent of American citizens were opposed to involvement in the European war, even as Nazi tanks rolled across the continent and concentration camps began to fill with people. The leaders of Freedom House argued that Hitler posed a grave threat to American security and values.

Freedom House believed that American leadership was crucial if the post-war world were to evolve into a place where democracy was the normal state of affairs, and not an exception. After the war, Freedom House supported the creation of the institutions that were critical to the promotion of peace, human rights, and cooperation between nations. Freedom House supported the Marshall Plan, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Atlantic Alliance.

Alarmed at the imposition of Soviet satellite regimes in Eastern Europe and beyond, Freedom House supported an American policy that was meant to counter Moscow’s expansionism and encourage an American foreign policy that placed the promotion of freedom at its core.

Freedom House also devoted its attention to two domestic problems during the 1950s. The first was the struggle for racial equality. Freedom House worked closely with Thurgood Marshall, Roy Wilkins, and other prominent civil rights leaders. Bayard Rustin, a leading adviser to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was an active member and leader of the Freedom House Board of Trustees.

A second cause was the struggle against McCarthyism, which at the time was shattering the lives of entertainers, government officials, and educators who were accused of Communist involvement. Freedom House recognized that McCarthyism was both a threat to domestic civil liberties and to America’s credibility as world leader. It urged President Eisenhower and Congress to safeguard the rights of citizens "on the home front from probes which slander the innocent."

In 1973, Freedom House launched an entirely new initiative, a report that employed the methods of social science analysis to assess the level of freedom in each country in the world, with a numerical score and ranking as Free, Partly Free, or Not Free. The report is known as Freedom in the World. Through the years, Freedom in the World has gained attention and influence in the media, the policy world, among foreign governments, and among educators and scholars. Freedom in the World has been called the “Michelin Guide to democracy’s development” and “essential reading for policymakers and political leaders.”

The Freedom in the World template has been used as a model for other democracy analysis reports published by Freedom House. Currently, Freedom House publishes an annual report on new media freedom, Freedom on the Net, which reaches critical audiences in the tech world and in policy circles. Freedom House also issues a highly respected report on political reforms in the post-Communist sphere, Nations in Transit, and an annual media freedom assessment, Freedom and the Media. Freedom House analysts regularly issue interpretive assessments on repressive techniques employed by leading autocracies, including China, Turkey, and Russia.

Throughout the 1970s and 80s, Freedom House was involved in the defense of Andrei Sakharov and other Soviet dissidents. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Freedom House established the Afghanistan Information Center, a clearinghouse for information on the conflict. It was among the earliest supporters of Poland's Solidarity trade union. Responding to growing strife in Africa, Freedom House sent study missions to Zimbabwe and South Africa led by Bayard Rustin.. It also sent missions to assess conditions in Central America during the 1980s, as part of an ongoing project to support centrist democratic forces under siege from the Marxist left and the death squad right.

In 1997, Freedom House expanded its involvement in democracy support work in a wide series of regions, including Latin America, Eurasia, East Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. Freedom House has earned a reputation for taking on freedom causes in some of the most difficult environments, such as Venezuela, Cuba, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, Egypt, Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan. In addition, Freedom House provides assistance to embattled human rights defenders, including many who face arrest, beatings, and death threats for their work.

Freedom House has taken a leading role in the development of new initiatives to counter the growing global trend towards authoritarianism. Freedom House played a central role in the adoption of the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act, which called for sanctions on individual Russian officials implicated in the death of an anti-corruption lawyer and a subsequent broader law, the Global Magnitsky Act, which took the principles of the original law and gave them global reach.

Much has changed in the world since Freedom House was founded in 1941, but much has remained the same, including the lure of isolationism in times of change. Thus the need to protect democracy and to act as a clear voice for freedom remains as strong as ever. Freedom House began with that purpose and today again finds itself called to its original mission.

Additional information on Freedom House and its history can be found at the Freedom House Archives of the Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library at Princeton University.

The biggest outcry

In March 1944 German troops occupied Hungary. Three quarters of a million Hungarian Jews were at risk. Churchill asked Marshall Tito to protect any Jews who escaped Hungary to partisan-held Yugoslavia. That July, Jewish leaders brought Churchill an horrific account of Auschwitz. It had been smuggled out by two escapees, and revealed for the first time the nature of the gas chambers there. Asked to bomb the railway lines to Auschwitz, Churchill instructed Eden: 'Get anything out of the Air Force you can, and invoke me if necessary.' A few days later, when it was learned that the deportations from Hungary had stopped, the Jewish request changed from bombing to protective documents. This too Churchill supported.

. this is the most horrible crime ever committed .

With regard to how the British should react to a Jewish appeal for publicity of the atrocities, Churchill replied: 'I am entirely in accord with making the biggest outcry possible.' This too was done.

Reading in July 1944 the first detailed account of Auschwitz, Churchill wrote:

'There is no doubt this is the most horrible crime ever committed in the whole history of the world, and it has been done by scientific machinery by nominally civilised men in the name of a great State and one of the leading races of Europe. It is quite clear that all concerned in this crime who may fall into our hands, including the people who only obeyed orders by carrying out the butcheries, should be put to death after their association with the murders has been proved.'

In London, Churchill continued to press the War Office to agree to an all-Jewish military force to join the Allied armies, writing on July 26: 'I like the idea of the Jews trying to get the murderers of their fellow countrymen in Central Europe, and I think it would give a great deal of satisfaction to the United States.'

In October 1944, as further news about the killings at Auschwitz reached the West, the Polish government in exile asked for an official protest. The foreign Office was reluctant to respond, but Churchill was not. 'Surely,' he wrote, 'publicity given about this might have a chance of saving the multitudes concerned.'

An Exclusive Look at the Greatest Haul of Native American Artifacts, Ever

At dawn on June 10, 2009, almost 100 federal agents pulled up to eight homes in Blanding, Utah, wearing bulletproof vests and carrying side arms. An enormous cloud hung over the region, one of them recalled, blocking out the rising sun and casting an ominous glow over the Four Corners region, where the borders of Utah, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico meet. At one hilltop residence, a team of a dozen agents banged on the door and arrested the owners—a well-respected doctor and his wife. Similar scenes played out across the Four Corners that morning as officers took an additional 21 men and women into custody. Later that day, the incumbent interior secretary and deputy U.S. attorney general, Ken Salazar and David W. Ogden, announced the arrests as part of “the nation’s largest investigation of archaeological and cultural artifact thefts.” The agents called it Operation Cerberus, after the three-headed hellhound of Greek mythology.

From This Story

The search-and-seizures were the culmination of a multi-agency effort that spanned two and a half years. Agents enlisted a confidential informant and gave him money—more than $330,000—to buy illicit artifacts. Wearing a miniature camera embedded in a button of his shirt, he recorded 100 hours of videotape on which sellers and collectors casually discussed the prices and sources of their objects. The informant also accompanied diggers out to sites in remote canyons, including at least one that agents had rigged with motion-detecting cameras.

The haul from the raid was spectacular. In one suspect’s home, a team of 50 agents and archaeologists spent two days cataloging more than 5,000 artifacts, packing them into museum-quality storage boxes and loading those boxes into five U-Haul trucks. At another house, investigators found some 4,000 pieces. They also discovered a display room behind a concealed door controlled by a trick lever. In all, they seized some 40,000 objects—a collection so big it now fills a 2,300-square-foot warehouse on the outskirts of Salt Lake City and spills into parts of the nearby Natural History Museum of Utah.

In some spots in the Four Corners, Operation Cerberus became one of the most polarizing events in memory. Legal limitations on removing artifacts from public and tribal (but not private) lands date back to the Antiquities Act of 1906, but a tradition of unfettered digging in some parts of the region began with the arrival of white settlers in the 19th century. Among the 28 modern Native American communities in the Four Corners, the raids seemed like a long-overdue attempt to crack down on a travesty against their lands and cultures—“How would you feel if a Native American dug up your grandmother and took her jewelry and clothes and sold them to the highest bidder?” Mark Mitchell, a former governor of the Pueblo of Tesuque, asked me. But some white residents felt that the raid was an example of federal overreach, and those feelings were inflamed when two of the suspects, including the doctor arrested in Blanding, committed suicide shortly after they were arrested. (A wrongful-death lawsuit filed by his widow is pending.) The prosecution’s case was not helped when its confidential informant also committed suicide before anyone stood trial.

Ultimately, 32 people were pulled in, in Utah, New Mexico and Colorado. None of them were Native American, although one trader tried vainly to pass himself off as one. Twenty-four were charged with violating the federal Archaeological Resources Protection Act and the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, among other laws. Two cases were dropped because of the suicides, and three were dismissed. No one went to prison. The remainder reached plea agreements and, as part of those deals, agreed to forfeit the artifacts confiscated in the raid.

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This story is a selection from the November issue of Smithsonian magazine.

The federal Bureau of Land Management (BLM), which has custody of the collection, spent the last five years simply creating an inventory of the items. “Nothing on this scale has ever been done before, not in terms of investigating the crimes, seizing the artifacts and organizing the collection,” BLM spokeswoman Megan Crandall told me. Before they were seized, these objects had been held in secret, stashed in closets and under beds or locked away in basement museums. But no longer. Recently the BLM gave Smithsonian an exclusive first look at the objects it has cataloged.

Beyond the sheer size of the collection is its range: Some of the objects, such as projectile points and metates, or grinding stones, date to about 6,000 B.C. Among the more than 2,000 intact ceramic vessels, many appear to be from the Ancestral Puebloan people, or Anasazi, who lived on the Colorado Plateau for some ten centuries before they mysteriously departed around A.D. 1400. The Hohokam, who occupied parts of Arizona from A.D. 200 to 1450, are represented by shell pendants and ceramic bowls the Mogollon, who thrived in northern Mexico and parts of Arizona and New Mexico from A.D. 300 to 1300, by pottery and painted arrow shafts. An undated sacred headdress belonged to the White Mountain Apaches, while a buffalo mask from the early 20th century is being returned to the Pueblo people in Taos. “You won’t find some of these items anywhere else,” said Kara Hurst, who was a curator of the BLM trove for three years until 2013, when she became supervisory registrar at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian. “We’ve heard stories about some of these objects. But not even Native Americans had seen some of these things before.”

It’s possible that no one will be able to see them outside the Cerberus collection, because archaeologists today rarely dig in the alcoves and cliff dwellings from which many items were taken. “There’s no money to support legitimate excavations of alcoves today,” said Laurie Webster, a research associate at the American Museum of Natural History who specializes in Southwestern perishable objects. “So you’ll never be able to excavate artifacts like these again.”

Many of the artifacts are remarkably well-preserved, even though they’re composed of delicate materials such as wood, hide and fiber. That’s partly a testament to the desert climate of the Four Corners—but also an indicator that at least some of the objects may have come from caves or other well-protected funerary sites, which has been a source of particular anguish to Native peoples. “The dead are never supposed to be disturbed. Ever,” Dan Simplicio, a Zuni and cultural specialist at Crow Canyon Archaeological Center in Cortez, Colorado, told me.

Roughly a quarter of the collection has high research potential, according to a preliminary survey by Webster. At the same time, the mass of objects is an archaeologist’s nightmare, because so many lack documentation of where and in what context they were found. “Stolen pieces usually don’t come with papers unless those papers are hot off the printer,” Crandall said.

In some cases, it’s not clear whether the relics are even genuine. Two human effigies, about six inches tall and made of corn stalk, yucca cordage and wood, are a case in point. One has an oversize erection, while the other has a dent between the legs. A dealer called them “fertility figures,” labeled them as from southeastern Utah, and dated them to about 200 B.C. to A.D. 400.

Webster had never seen any figures like them before, and she initially thought they were fakes. But on closer inspection she saw that the yucca cordage appears to be authentic and from somewhere between 200 B.C. and A.D. 400. Now, she believes the figures could be genuine—and would be of extreme cultural value. “This would be the earliest example of a fertility figure in this region,” said Webster, earlier than the flute-playing deity Kokopelli, who did not appear until about A.D. 750. To investigate this artifact further, scholars will have to find their own research funds.

A multicolored ceramic bowl tells a more bittersweet tale. The exterior is the color of a flaming desert sunset, and the interior features bold geometric shapes and black and red lines it is clearly in what archaeologists call the Salado style, a genre that appeared around A.D. 1100 and blended elements of Anasazi, Mogollon and Hohokam pottery. The piece was slightly marred by a few cracks, but more damaging are the “acid blooms” inside the bowl—evidence that someone used a contemporary soap to clean away centuries of dirt. The idea is that restored or “clean” vessels will fetch more money on the black market, said Nancy Mahaney, a BLM curator. “It’s been very interesting to work with the collection, because you can see the extent to which people will go to gain financially.”

With its inventory done, the BLM will give priority to returning whatever objects it can to the tribes from which they were taken. Even though the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act has highly specific guidelines for repatriating artifacts, several experts in the Native American community said the process will be complicated by the lack of documentation.

Once the BLM’s repatriation effort is complete, which will take several more years, the agency will have to find homes for the artifacts that remain. It hopes to form partnerships with museums that can both display the artifacts and offer opportunities for scholars to research them. “Part of our hope is that we will form partnerships with Native American communities, especially those that have museums,” said Mahaney. The Navajo have a large museum, while the Zuni, Hopi and others have cultural centers. Blanding, Utah, where several of the convicted looters live, has the Edge of the Cedars State Park Museum. Even so, it will take years of study before the Cerberus collection begins to yield its secrets.

About Kathleen Sharp

Kathleen Sharp is a contributor to Salon, the New York Times, and the Los Angeles Review of Books. She is the author of several books, including Blood Medicine: The Man Who Blew the Whistle on One of the Deadliest Prescription Drugs Ever. Her work has appeared in Elle, Vanity Fair, Parade and other magazines.

Another battle front

F ear, grief, sorrow: these are the overriding emotions of war. For men, women, and children confined to the home front between 1914 and 1918, exhilarating surges of patriotic energies and the evaporation of many restraints were fleeting thrills when set against the loss of loved ones. Children woke to find that their fathers had left for distant battlefields while they slept. Three hundred thousand never saw their fathers again 160,000 wives received the dreaded telegram informing them that their husbands had been killed. Countless others discovered the meaning of suffering.

When Phyllis Kelly first heard that her lover Eric Appleby had been seriously wounded, she immediately put pen to paper. "My own darling Englishman", she wrote from Dublin on October 28 1915, "I wonder why I'm writing this, which you may never see - oh God, perhaps even now you have gone far away from your Lady - I wonder when another telegram will come this knowing nothing is terrible, I don't know what to do. I simply have sat and shivered with such an awful clutching fear at my heart . Oh my love, my love, what shall I do - but I must be brave and believe all will be well - dear one, surely God won't take you from me now. It will be the end of everything that matters . you are all the world and life to me." The letter was never posted: Eric was already dead.

The "awful clutching fear" that sapped morale presented the British government with the formidable task of rallying not only the troops but the entire nation to the war effort. Loyalty was not guaranteed. The Independent Labour Party, No Conscription Fellowship, Fellowship of Reconciliation, Union of Democratic Control and the Women's International League opposed the war. In "Red Clydeside", there were anti-war demonstrations, industrial action in essential industries, rent strikes, and even cries for a Marxist revolution. Irish republicans went ahead with an armed rising at Easter, 1916. After a week, they were crushed and their blood sacrifice denounced as pro-German but, on the Irish home front, support for Sinn Féin and resistance to the war began growing.

Curfews and censorship

From the declaration of war, the authorities realised that they had to act decisively. They passed the Defence of the Realm Act (Dora), which, after many amendments, gave the government unprecedented powers to intervene in people's lives. They were empowered to take over any factory or workshop. Curfews and censorship were imposed. Severe restrictions on movement were introduced. Discussing military matters in public became a serious offence. Almost anyone could be arrested for "causing alarm". In the interests of the work ethic, British summer time commenced, opening hours for pubs were cut, and beer was watered down. Women who were suspected of having venereal disease could be stopped by the police and subjected to a gynaecological examination. A woman with VD could be prosecuted for having sexual intercourse with a serviceman. It did not matter that he could have been her husband, and may have given her the disease in the first place.

Suspicion of outsiders was high. Dora and the Aliens Restriction Act severely curtailed the civil liberties of non-British-born subjects (even naturalised citizens who had resided in the UK for decades). They were required to register, obtain permits if they intended to travel more than five miles, and were prohibited from entering certain areas. More than 32,000 were held in internment camps or repatriated. Most notably after the sinking of the Lusitania by a German submarine in May 1915, anti-German sentiment erupted into riots in Liverpool, Manchester, Salford, Sheffield, Rotherham, Newcastle, South Wales, London and elsewhere.

In Liverpool, 200 businesses were destroyed. In London, of the 21 Metropolitan police districts, only two were free from riots. It was, as the Daily Record observed, "not an uplifting spectacle to see this country descending to trivial and hysterical methods of vengeance". More typically, DH Lawrence admitted: "When I read of the Lusitania . I am mad with rage myself. I would like to kill a million Germans - two million." Ironically, Lawrence's German-born wife and his opposition to militarism placed him on the wrong side of Dora. He was accused of spying and forced out of his cottage in St Ives.

It would not have helped Lawrence that he was widely believed to have lax morals. Spy fever was only rivalled by concerns about women's sexual fervour. Indeed, in the summer of 1918, the two fears bonded. Noel Pemberton Billing, MP for East Hertfordshire and publisher of right-wing newspapers, claimed to have a copy of a blacklist of 47,000 traitors and spies in high places in Britain. Many were, he insisted, inflamed by the "cult of the clitoris", betraying the "sacred secrets of state" in "lesbian ecstasy". Heterosexual passions were also said to have been kindled by wartime excitements. Freed from the masculine governance of fathers, husbands and brothers, women were accused of khaki fever. As Private GJ Dodd, a member of the British West Indian Regiment, enthused while on leave in Seaford (East Sussex): "Plenty of girls. They love the boys in khaki. They detest walking with civilians. They love the darkies!"

The newly established Women Police Volunteers, Women Police Service and Women Patrol Committee did not share his enthusiasm. Female breadwinning was thought to have helped sponsor women's licentiousness and consumerism. As poet Madeline Ida Bedford expressed it, parodying the accents of munitions workers:

Earning high wages?
Yus, Five quid a week.
A woman, too, mind you,
I call it dim sweet. [. ]
I spends the whole racket
On good times and clothes. [. ]
I've bracelets and jewellery,
Rings envied by friends
A sergeant to swank with,
And something to lend. [. ]

Jobs in the civil service, factories, docklands and arsenals, tramways, Post Office and farms were feminised. In July 1914, 3.2 million women were employed in industry this had jumped to 4.8 million by April 1918. Some 40% of these women were married (compared with only 14% prior to the war). Many encountered hostility from male workers who were worried about competition and the deskilling of their jobs. "Dilution", or the breaking down of complex jobs into simpler tasks, was introduced to solve the problem of the shortage of skilled male workers without threatening male wages.

Munitions work elicited particular anxieties. In Women at Munitions Making, Mary Gabrielle Collins maintained that women's hands: "Should minister unto the flame of life, / Their fingers guide/ The rosy teat, swelling with milk, To the eager mouth of the suckling babe." Instead, she lamented, their hands were being "coarsened" in the factories and: "Their thoughts . Are bruised against the law, / "Kill, kill."

Givers of life were being trained to take it. In the words of a woman writing for the magazine of a projectile factory: "the fact that I am using my life's energy to destroy human souls gets on my nerves". She was proud that she was "doing what I can to bring this horrible affair to an end. But once the war is over, never in creation will I do the same thing again".

Thomas Henry Hall Caine (1853-1931). Photograph: Bettmann/Corbis

Propagandists attempted to reconcile women's dual roles as life-givers and manufacturers of death-dealing weapons. Thus, in Our Girls: Their Work for the War (1916), Hall Caine adopted the language of trashy romances, pointing out that munitions workers had learned to show a "proper respect" for their machine's "impetuous organisms". By learning their machine's "whims", munitions women speedily "wooed and won this new kind of male monster". Making bombs was as "perfectly natural" to women as making love.

The effect of widening employment opportunities for women was ambiguous. On the one hand, women were admitted into industry under strict conditions, including the fact that they did not actually replace the men but were allowed to perform only certain tasks. Feminist lobbying for equal wages never succeeded: women were paid about half of what men earned. In munitions factories, they risked dying in explosions or suffering TNT poisoning. After the war was over, they were expected to return to traditional roles. The pervasive theme of feminine self-sacrifice meant that they lacked the economic and political power after the war to transform their world.

Purpose and emancipation

On the other hand, many women revelled in a new sense of purpose and emancipation. As Naomi Loughnan admitted in 1917, she was "sick of frivolling" and "wanted to do something big and hard, because of our boys and of England". Factories offered better conditions, higher wages, more interesting work and greater freedoms than domestic service had done. Female factory workers challenged the gender order: they were earning much more than previously (three times more in some cases), were able to demonstrate their ability to carry out skilled work in areas previously barred to them, and were allowed greater leeway in the way they comported themselves publicly.

As trade union leader Mary Macarthur concluded in 1918: "No longer are we told that 'the hand that rocks the cradle rules the world'. Today it is the hand that drills the shell that determines the destiny of the world and those who did not hesitate to refuse the rights of citizenship to the mothers of men are ready and anxious to concede these rights to the makers of machine guns."

Emmeline Pankhurst, suffragetteleader, arrested outside Buckingham Palace. Photograph: Hulton-Deutsch Collection/Corbis

Macarthur believed that women's war work would make female suffrage politically unavoidable. The suffragettes (members of the Women's Social and Political Union, the more militant wing of the suffrage movement), who a few months before had been torching churches and cricket pavilions, became patriotic war workers. Although a sizeable minority of the more moderate members of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies ("suffragists") joined the peace movement, most also threw themselves into the war effort in an attempt to link their demands for citizenship with service during a national emergency.

Vote granted

By June 1917, a combination of admiration for women's war work, judicious lobbying by suffragists and debates about re-enfranchising men who were serving in the armed services abroad convinced parliament to pass the Representation of the People's Bill by 385 votes to 55. This gave the vote to an additional 5 million men and nearly 9 million women. Crucially, however, the vote was granted only to women over 30 years old who were householders, wives of householders, occupiers of property of an annual value of not less than £5, or university graduates. Ironically, the young women who had toiled in war industries or in the Land Army did not gain the vote on the same terms as their male counterparts until 1928.

The effect of the war on working-class standards of living was more encouraging. Civilians had a relatively low chance of being killed in enemy raids. Only 1,300 civilians were killed when Zeppelins rained bombs on London in 1915 and Gotha Giant bombers followed in 1917 (a single raid during the second world war would have a resulted in a similar number of deaths). Full employment, rationing (which was introduced in the last year of the war), rent control, rising bacon imports and increased consumption of milk and eggs, and improved social provision meant that working-class families were better off. Indeed, on average working-class incomes doubled between 1914 and 1920 and, in the aftermath of war when price levels dropped, this war-enhanced wage level was successfully defended.

In contrast to the improved life expectancy of working-class men who had been old enough to evade war service, servicemen and servicewomen returning from the front-lines were physically devastated. Writing in 1917 about Brighton, pacifist Caroline Playne admitted to being full of "sickness and horror" at the "sights of hundreds of men on crutches going about in groups." More than 41,000 men had their limbs amputated during the war 272,000 suffered injuries in the legs or arms that did not require amputation 60,500 were wounded in the head or eyes and 89,000 sustained other serious damage to their bodies.

The home front eventually welcomed back men and women whose war service abroad had left scars, both visible and invisible, which were often difficult to speak about. As Vera Brittain put it in her memoir, Testament of Youth (1933), the war had erected a "barrier of indescribable experience between men and the women they loved". Brittain's brother, fiancé and two close male friends were killed in the war, but she rightly observed that "the war kills other things besides physical life". Phyllis Kelly, who mourned the death of her beloved Eric, would have agreed.

Joanna Bourke is professor of history at Birkbeck College, London, and the author of An Intimate History of Killing (Granta) and Rape: A History from the 1860s to the Present (Virago).